Keben-ke-Ndong Festival

Wutoh Dr. Gemuh Akuchu

July 2023

Introduction

Keben-ke-Ndong literally means flute dance in Ga’a Kedjom [Kedjom language]. It is the grand cultural festival of the Kedjom people. It is conducted annually during the dry season generally between December and February; hence it is commonly referred to as the annual dance. It is a period of celebration and thanksgiving to the gods for the harvest of the year and a time when certain rites are performed for the well-being of the fondom.

The origin of the festival remains to be determined but the Kedjom people have conducted it for centuries as a single group and even after splitting into the twin villages of Kedjom Keku and Kedjom Ketinguh because of a serious dispute over the dance component of the festival. The importance that Kedjom people give the festival makes it a key facet of their culture that needs to be preserved for future generations. The purpose of this write-up is therefore to describe it as comprehensively as possible drawing from personal knowledge as a participant observer and information acquired from other sources including my grandparents and parents.

People of the Festival  

The people who celebrate this festival are of the two villages of Kedjom Keku and Kedjom Ketinguh. These two villages are found in Tubah Subdivision, Mezam Division, Northwest Region of Cameroon.  They are located about 15 miles to the northeast of Bamenda, the capital of the Northwest Region. Kedjom Keku is on the Bamenda-Fundong road and shares boundaries with the villages of Bafut, Bambui, Fungie, Jung and Kom while Kedjom Ketinguh is on the ring road between Bamenda and Ndop and is bounded by the villages of Awing, Bali Kumbat, Bambili, Bambui, Kedjom Keku and Bamessing.

Although the Kedjom people find themselves today in the two fondoms, they were not always so divided from the beginning. They were once a single group of people whose origin is still debatable. But oral history holds that they are part of a people known as the Tikar who originated from somewhere across the Red Sea and settled in the southeast area of the Sahara Desert and to the northeast of Nigeria. They inhabited this area when it was still lush and fertile but when it started desiccating due to climate shifts caused by the rotation of the earth and heavy sunshine (livescience.com), they moved into the Lake Chad area. They are reported to have been part of the Kanem-Bornu empire that once flourished around that Lake. From there, they [the Tikar] migrated southeastwards in complex waves and stages as they split into ethnic groups such as Baba [Papiakum], Bafanji, Babessi, Babungo, Bafut, Bamali, Bambalang, Bambili, Bambui, Bamessing, Bamunka, Bangolan, Bum, Fungom, Kedjom, Kom, Mbiame, Mbem, Mmen, Nkwen, Nso, Oku, Weh and Wimbum.

The Kedjom people settled for a while at a place known as Kedjombeh in the present-day Adamawa Region in the Republic of Cameroon. This is the place that is commonly cited as their point of origin while the actual location remains to be determined. But due to the Islamic jihad wars of conquest that swept through the Sahelian area, they were forced to continue migrating southwestwards sojourning at places including Kuwi, Ndobo, Jikijem in Oku. Kifem, Djem and Kovifem in Nso; Abasakijem covering the area including Njinikejem and Belo in Kom, (KESU 2011, Mutan 2001, Nfah, 1984). It should be noted that there is yet no agreement on the chronological order of the places and when they lived in them during their migration. During the movements, some remnants of the people were left behind at some of these places; thus, there are big groups of people of Kedjom origin that have been absorbed into the populations of Kom, Nso and Oku.

It was from Njinikejem that they moved up the hills and settled at the place known as Kefem ke chum located between the villages of Bambui and Kom. It was here that they split into the two groups that created the present two fondoms. Keben-ke-ndong was the main bone of contention in the split. It happened that a prominent and popular prince called Tihnseh died on the eve of the dance and his death precipitated a crisis marked by a bitter dispute between 40 princes of the fondom and the reigning monarch, HRH Fon Awonti. The issue at stake was whether to continue with the dance or suspend it and conduct the funeral and burial ceremonies for the prince. The Fon took the position that the dance must go ahead as planned since the kwifon, the supreme authority of Kedjom, had already performed all the customary rites in readiness for the dance. The 40 princes opted to postpone it and to perform the funeral and burial rites for their brother. They considered his death too important to be downplayed.

The issue became so contentious that the two parties could not be reconciled. The kwifon went ahead and launched the dance and while it was going on, the forty princes performed the funeral and burial rites and carried out the death celebration. After the dance, the princes went to the Fon and harangued him for his past bleak predictions and declarations that the fondom would one day split and for making it come true. They announced that they were leaving, and together with their supporters, packed up their belongings and departed.

They trekked some distance across the hills eastward and founded a new village near Kuwi, an area that their ancestors once inhabited during their migration when they were still in a single fondom. They named it Kedjom Ketinguh (also known as Babanki Tungo), a name derived from the three huge rocks that are the landmarks of the fondom. “Ti” means under and “nguh” means rock or stone; so, the name, Kedjom Ketinguh, means Kedjom under the rock. Here, they crowned their first fon in the person of HRH Aseh Nih, one of the princes. He is said to have been crowned fon because he was the only male child of his mother. The reason for his selection was to avoid any conflict among brothers had someone with brothers of the same mother been picked. It is reported that when he was chosen, he wept saying that they did so to kill him. Fortunately, that turned out not to be the case.

As for the people who remained at Kefem, they, too, moved to a nearby location known as Kefem ke Fembum on the hills overlooking their present location. It is from there that the German colonial administration ordered them in 1913 to move down to the low-lying area where they founded the present fondom of Kedjom Keku. “Ku” means forest, so, the name means Kedjom in the forest or of the forest. The fondom is also popularly called Big Babanki but the adjective “big” in the name does not signify that it is bigger in territory and is more populated than Babanki Tungo. It implies simply that it is the part of the split body that stayed with the original reigning monarch considered to be the “big” father of all Kedjom people. 

It should be noted that the word “Babanki” is not a Kedjom word. It is of Bali Nyonga origin and the prefix “Ba” means people. The names of villages in the Northwest Region which start with “Ba” were given by Bali soldiers in the German colonial army when it waged its wars of colonial conquest in the area. When the army arrived at a village, the Germans asked the Bali soldiers for the name of the village, and they gave the name by which the Bali people called the people beginning with “Ba”. The Germans then recorded and imposed it as the new name of the village. The German colonizers relied heavily on the Bali Nyonga authorities who collaborated with them and provided local soldiers knowledge of the area and intelligence.

Nature of the Festival

As indicated earlier, the name “keben-ke-ndong” literally means the flute dance. But this name camouflages the true nature of the festival. It is not just simply a dance as the name seems to imply but an annual grand cultural festival that embodies much more than just a dance. The festival is one of the main cultural forces that holds the Kedjom people together in a physical and spiritual bond. One could say that the people find their collective soul in it.

It usually takes place at the end of January or early in February when all the people have taken a break from the year’s hard work, especially on the farms, and other chores, to rest and celebrate together. In my observation, the festival embodies some vital elements of Kedjom culture that can be divided roughly into at least three main components, namely: customary or traditional rites, matrimonial activities, and the dance itself. Its purpose, importance and significance are embodied in these activities.

Customary Rites

There are three main customary rites that are performed as part of the festival, namely: “kwen fem te fon; “bvaah te fam” and “moh venyingong”. In this context “kwen” means to enter or visit while “fem” means a tomb or a shrine or the place where the fons are buried. “Te fon” is the plural form of fon. So, the phrase “kwen fem te fon” means to visit the shrine of the fons. Visiting these shrines is a mandatory activity that must be performed before the dance part of the festival takes place.  Under normal circumstances, only a Fon who has fathered a child can do it. The purpose is to invoke the spirits of the departed fons and to perform certain rites enjoining them to ensure peace and tranquility in the land and the success of the festival. 

“Bvaah te fam”: “bvaah” literarily translated means, to cut or to demarcate while “Te fam” means boundary locations. So, “bvaah te fam” means to install boundary markers at the borders. Before the dance, the village boundary markers are renewed to refortify the borders and security of the fondom. This is done by a society known as “fem” accompanied by some members of the Kwifon house. They use materials that include “feshung” [elephant grass stalk], “felen” [a wild round garden egg-like fruit], “tefuh te ngom nyingong” [god’s banana or plantain leaves] and “nchuji” [a type of grass]. The “felen” and “nchuji” are robbed with a special medicinal concoction mixed with castor oil and attached to the elephant grass stalk which is also treated with the concoction and short pieces of knotted raffia fiber [ketsung] tied at each end. The three items are then attached to the inner part of the leaves. After the leaves have be prepared, they are then placed securely across all the boundary crossing points on all the roads in and out of the fondom. These markers are supposed to ward off all evil forces including people and spirits that try to invade the fondom.

“Moh venyingong”: the word “moh” literally means to drop something down but in this context, it means to offer, while “venyingong” means gods; thus, the phrase means to make offerings to the gods. Tradition requires that these offerings should be made in preparation for the dance. The purpose of the exercise is to thank the gods for guiding and protecting the people and for the successful harvest of crops that year. The “fem” society in the palace is responsible for performing this rite. The society visits all the locations where the people are supposed to worship their gods including certain spots under some special rock formations, the bases or bottom parts of some huge trees and certain black pools of water. The immediate surroundings of these places are thoroughly cleaned up and a coat of whitewash applied around the bases of the stones and trees. Some consumable food items such as cooked egusi are then placed at these spots for the gods.

When this activity has been carried out, all memorial celebrations and gun firing in the fondom are suspended until after the dance.

Matrimonial Activities

The festival period is a time when matrimonial transactions flourish in the fondom. It is at this time that newly married men, whose wives are still living with their parents, ask their in-laws to send their wives to join them for the dance. This act is known as “loyn wuwi”. The request is usually accompanied by gifts of oil, meat and salt presented to the mother-in-law. Also, the girl’s parents could initiate the process to send their daughter to the husband. This usually happens when the woman was lives with her parents while nursing a baby. When the child is wined, the parents then inform the man that his wife will be sent to join him during the dance period. The man then makes the necessary preparations to receive the wife and the party that accompanies her.

The festival period is also a time when unfinished matrimonial businesses are transacted. For example, the parents of a bride could ask their son-in-law to make good what he still owes them, such as; the balance of the bride price, remaining tins of oil [“mebuaah”, traditional containers roughly equal to a tin which is about 15 litters] and firewood or blankets. It is also at this period that in-laws routinely rekindle their relationships with exchange of visits and gifts in an act known as “lumsi chi”. The mother of the bride or her female relatives could initiate the process by performing an act known as “chu chi” which involves paying a special visit to the husband or his relatives carrying cooked food which usually consists of corn fufu, and vegetables mixed with egusi. The host reciprocates by putting cooked meat and oil in the pot in which the vegetables were brought. At times, the husband or his family members initiate the process of rekindling the relationship by sending some gifts to the in-laws for the dance.

The matrimonial activities reach their zenith on “Ajung” evening and throughout the day of “Kiezhying”, the day before the launching of the dance and the following day, “Zhying”. “Ajung” is a day akin to a Saturday and it is in the evening of this day that most traditional marriages take place. “Kiezhying”, the day after Ajung, is a traditional rest day like a Sunday.

In the evening of Ajung and on Kiezhying, the fondom humps with life as lots of people crisscross it on matrimonial businesses. Grooms dispatch parties of relatives and friends carrying firewood, new clothes, oil, salt, and meat to the in-laws.

Brides, decked up in colorful traditional garbs, are escorted to their matrimonial homes. They are accompanied by parties of relatives and friends carrying corn flour, corn fufu with plenty of cooked huckleberry vegetables known as “mbaseh pfii or “njamajama” topped with egusi. Also, in the party is a female relative of the bride who would stay back with her for some time after the others leave. On arrival at the groom’s compound, the bride and her female escorts are received by the mother-in-law, her relatives, and friends in her house while the men in the party are welcomed by the groom and/or his father and entertained in another house.

The Dance

The dance is the main feature and highlight of the festival. It is supposed to be formally performed over a period of nine days from the opening on Zhying to the next Zhying. But only three days are very important. These are the opening Zhying, “Mbiitieleh” [the second day on which celebratory gun firing takes place], and the closing Zhying. The opening day is the most exciting for it is the one on which the palace masquerades, “venakang” and the “venkuh”, come out and display while people, especially children and those who have never witnessed the dance, scramble to see them for their first time. It is also the day on which motherhood is formally recognized in the fondom (as described further below in the discussion of motherhood recognition).

Venakang [insert full page of photos]

The venakang [plural of nakang] are a bunch of palace masquerades or disguised comic male characters, that come out on the first and last days of the dance to animate it. They are dressed in odd looking costumes made of twigs, twines, and all kinds of funny looking objects for upper body wear. The bottom wear is a long broad piece of cloth passed between the legs and the front and back ends tied around the waist. The bottom part is like a balloon dangling between the legs. This is known as “kemohte-ke-nakang”. Their faces are painted white, and their caps are made of feathers or animal skins. To disguise themselves, they wear feathers or tree leaves under their caps over their faces. They carry long bamboos and/or sticks for support when dancing and gesticulating. They also carry shells of snails known as “ngos” which they shake and put to their ears from time to time pretending to be receiving messages through them.

When they come out of the palace in the mornings, they disperse in small groups that go around the fondom, visiting compounds and collecting gifts in the form of food items such as corn and groundnuts. Some of them even go to nearby farms in the lower part of the fondom, “ntehsi”, where they harvest items such as sugar cane and bananas. In the afternoon, they all reassemble at the palace to provide humorous entertainment for the dance.

“Venkuh” [insert full page of pictures here]

The venkuh [plural of nkuh] come out on the first and last days of the dance. They are two in number; one painted black and the other painted white. The mouth of the black one is painted in black while that of the white one is painted in red. Their body outfits are made of raffia bamboo fiber that stand out on their bodies like raised feathers on a chicken. Their head- wears are funny looking caps that are like bike riders’ helmets. Each one of them carries two short sticks, about a yard long, one in each hand, for support and balance when dancing and displaying.  Each nkuh is controlled by two men using long ropes as leashes tied to the upper part of each arm. Known as “nghahse nkuh” [nkuh handlers], their duty is to keep it from running wild. They walk or run behind it rolling and unrolling the ropes as it bounces around dancing and displaying.

The two men are dressed in splendid traditional attire which consists of a pair of colorful long pieces of cloth with strings fitted at the corners of the end of each piece. These are for the lower wear. They are tied around the waist with one piece in front and the other behind. The pieces of cloth, known as “te-shii te ndihse”, hang from the waist to the legs. The top wear is made up of two pieces of colorful cloth that are folded to a width of about a foot wide and slung from one shoulder across the chest to the waist on the opposite side. They are secured in place with either a head tie, a piece of cloth or a belt at the chest. The head wear, known as “keng”, is a cap made of colorful long feathers. Accompanying each nkuh is a bunch of agile young men called “te-fuof te nkuh” [nkuh front runners], similarly dressed like the nghahse, also with tree leaves stuck under their caps over their faces to disguise themselves. They carry in both hands, small branches of trees with leaves known as “te-fu-te-fvah’ and run or walk fast, forth and back, in pairs or groups ahead of the “nkuh” while waving the branches attracting it.

When the venkuh come out of the palace in the morning, they go in opposite directions in the fondom running and displaying. The white one goes through the upper quarters of Tuoloh, Fendieng and all the way to Sabga in Tingeh while the black one goes to the lower part of the fondom visiting some quarters including Mbansanjih, Ntekezon, Buh, etc. While going through the fondom, they make rest stops at designated places including black smith shops [kelam] and the compounds of quarter heads and notables where they are given refreshments.  Both return to the palace in the afternoon in time to perform and animate the dance.

 Performing the Dance [insert full page of photos of dance scenes]

The first day of the dance creates a lot of excitement as people anxiously look forward to witnessing and participating in it after a year or so. Dressed in gorgeous customary attires, the people: men, women, and children, from the different corners of the fondom, converge at the palace in the afternoon beginning at about 2:00 p.m. to dance to the tune of the thrilling flute [ndong] music[1].  Besides the flutes, made of Indian bamboo, the other instruments used in making the music are a big round standing drum [“nduse”], two small side drums [mbwohse] and shakers called “njohse”. The musicians hold the “njohse” in one hand and shake them in rhythm while blowing the flutes.

The dancing is done in concentric circles, going clockwise from left to right around the musicians. There are two main styles to the dance, namely: the shaking or wiggling dance called “keben-ke-nehkeh” and the fast moving or running style known as “keben-ke-nyingte-ke”. The shaking or wiggling dance is done slowly in a dignified and majestic manner by older folks and dignitaries in traditional big flowing colorful gowns [“dahleu”] that look bigger than normal because the individuals wearing them have bent and raised their arms inside the huge arms of the gowns.  With a lot of air around them, they move forward in measured steps, dance into the center of the circle in pairs or groups, turn around in a synchronized pattern and then return to the line.

The fast moving or running style is performed by younger people shaking handkerchiefs, head ties or wrappers and ‘fly whisks [“zangse”]. They make harmonized short running steps forwards and backwards, wiggle and skip into the center of the circle in pairs or in groups, turn around at the same time in near perfect unism and return to the line.

[1] The music is also called “dzu nyingsi” which literary means flute music for grass. This leads one to speculate that the music was probably made at the time when villagers collectively cut grass for thatching of roofs in the palace, and it became a tradition. Nevertheless, its origins remain to be determined.

Fon in the Dance

The Fon and dignitaries normally watch and enjoy the dancing from the high tribune, the “ketooh”. [insert full page photo]. But when it is at its height, they joined it to a thunderous applause by the women bowing to the Fon. The older women then tune a special song that together with the drumming and flutes creates an ecstatic atmosphere. Every maneuver or turn-around that the Fon and the dignitaries perform is greeted with loud ovation by all the women bowing to him while the Fon’s wives and other women of the royal family swing forth and back their long fly whisks [“nso lieun[PA1] ”] uniformly.

The performance of the dance during Fon Shiteh’s memorial celebration in 2011 was done after a 31-year lapse due to the long wait to do the memorial. It was quite a spectacle to behold. As soon as the music hit the air, a huge mass of excited dancers, both old and young, rushed onto the dance field and everybody tried their very best to make the steps correctly again. The older people soon caught the hang of it drawing from their past experiences while the young ones, for whom it was a total novelty, happily joined in with youthful exuberance and did their best watching and imitating the steps of their elders. It was a moment of mass joy as the older people gladly relived the experience and the young ones, 31 years and younger, experienced it for the first time.

Venakang and Venkuh in the Dance

The role of the venakang and the venkuh is to put up a humorous show and animate the dance. The venakang maintain order when the venkuh are performing and ensure that people bring thatching grass when coming to the dance, as described in the next section. They dance funnily twisting their feet on the spot and jerking their waists forwards and backwards and from side to side. They gesticulate, make loud funny noises, poke fun into everything around them and tease people. They imitate the actions of the venkuh, chase after them and pretend to lay traps for them. But when a nkuh comes toward them, they shout, “yea-a amuhbam” [yea-a remover of mountains], “yea-a fembangchu” [yea-a red mouth], and then fall and shake vigorously feigning death.

In addition to entertaining, they maintain order by holding back the crowd when the venkuh are performing. Unlike the venakang, the venkuh are not allowed to perform when the Fon is dancing. So, they wait for him to return to his throne at the tribune before they come to the dance field to perform. Their arrival at the field forces all the dancers to retreat and watch from the sidelines leaving only the musicians who continue to play intensely for them. Together with their “tefwof”, they bounce around in swift moves from one end of the field to the other while responding in loud monotone sounds, “ho’o”, ho’o” and “heuh, heuh” in response to the “nghaseh” chanting “nkuh Kedjombeh, nkuh vesinchang[PA2] ”, etc. The climax of their performance comes when they make a quick dash from different ends of the field with their sticks stretched forward and converge before the Fon at “ketooh” where he performs some customary rites on them. After that, they perform again for a brief while and then retire into the palace where they are thoroughly and fully debriefed using special herbs.

Venakang Enforce Grass Order

Before the use of corrugated iron sheets for roofing, grass was the main material used in the fondom. Per custom, the Kedjom people were required to provide it as a community service for the palace. Keben-ke ndong is one of the occasions when the people, especially the youth, are required to bring a small bundle of roofing grass to the palace when they come for the dance. The venakang are entrusted with the responsibility of enforcing the order. So, while the dancing is going on, some of them stand at the palace square, “chufensam”, to ensure that people who do not bring the grass are turned away.

To effectively enforce the rule, they carry plants or twigs that cause itching called “kebwin-ke-nakang” which they use in beating and turning back the defaulters. I suspect that the itchy plants must be poisoned ivy plants.

While standing guard at “chufensam”, the venakang chant the slogan, “wu bueh kekas, wu bueh kenwieh”. “Wu” means you while “bueh” means miss. “Kekas” in this context means cutting the thatching grass and “kenwieh” means dance in the “nakang” language. Literally interpreted, the phrase means if you fail to bring the grass, you forfeit the dance. In other words, if you fail to bring the grass you are not allowed to participate in the dance.

The requirement to bring thatching grass to the palace was in conformity with the Kedjom custom stipulating that the palace belongs to the people who build and maintain it as a public facility. The royal family resides in it, but it does not belong to them. It is this tradition that requires the people to cultivate the Fon’s farms [shie te sem te fon] and to hunt for him [“fu bum e fon”]. This tradition is still in practice today as communal work continues to be carried out at the palace. The most recent example is the construction of the modern two-story building, the “ketooh”, where the Fon and dignitaries sit to watch activities on the palace field.

Recognition of Motherhood [insert full sheet of photos of new mothers in attire]

Motherhood is a facet of Kedjom culture that is held in the highest esteem. As such, it is formally recognized publicly at the palace on the opening day of the dance, “Zhying”. First-time mothers and those who had not yet been recognized are clad in gorgeous customary attires in an act known as “laf wayn” and escorted to the palace for the event. The attire is made of a colorful long skirt or wrapper for the lower wear. Worn over the skirt or wrapper are traditional belts woven with raffia fiber and robbed with camwood and many beads called “jiketa”.

Lots of beads, including some large ones called “vendeh” adorn the neck while many bracelets or bangles with some made of ivory called “kesoh” beautify the arms. Decorative combs are pinned to the hair, and the legs and feet robbed with camwood. The torso is greased with so much palm oil that the visible parts glitter. The new mothers, so dressed, make their public appearance at the palace when they all emerge as a group from the crowd of women and join in the dancing near the older women.

As part of the tradition, the mothers take along to the palace a well-greased special calabash with the neck curved backwards known as “Nshof e Wayn” [baby’s calabash] [insert example]. They are all placed at a designated spot near the “ketooh” close to the women’s section of the palace and special raffia wine from the palace is poured into them for the mothers to take home. On their way home, they are approached by people eager to have a drink from the calabashes. It is believed that drinking from those calabashes increases fertility.

When first-time mothers make this public appearance at the palace, they formally earn the title of “Liwain”, which means mother. It is a public introduction to the entire fondom indicating that the lady has earned the title of mother [Liwain] and henceforth should be so addressed respectfully. It is a term of endearment reserved strictly for a woman who has given birth. However, it is sometimes used loosely as a joke to tease maidens either as a sign of recognition of their potential womanhood or in anticipation that they would attain that status. It should be noted that a first-time mother could also gain public recognition when she is dressed up and escorted to the farm or market during her first public outing after giving birth but that does not carry the same weight as the formal and solemn occasion during the annual dance at the palace.

“Kensheng” by manjong]

“Kensheng” is the jubilatory demonstration and celebratory gun firing. It is a major feature of the dance, and it is performed by “manjong” groups on “Mbiitieleh”, the second day of the dance. “Manjong” is a group composed of men in the same age bracket. The groups in the fondom are initiated when they become adults and meet the requirements. Besides the kensheng, they are transformed into the defence force of the fondom when needed. Each group is commanded by a prince, or a male member of the royal family known as “Tii-ghong”, owner of the group. He is assisted in command by a person called “Taah manjong” who is the commanding leader of the entire group.

The “manjong” group has a simple two-tier structure. There is a general body and subordinate units organized at the level of each quarter with their own “vetaah” [plural form of “taah”.]

The groups with original names include the following: “Ngye Leh”, “Venemuh”, “Ngye Mekong”, “Muhgain”, “Kwebeleh” , “Chenjem”, “Ngye Nguh”, “Ngye Nkwoh”, “Njim”, “Ngye Anchi”,  “Fetsuh,”, “Fenguh”[originally called Fendzondzo’o], etc. When all the members of an elderly group die out, a young group coming of age can either inherit the name, if it so desires, or pick a new one. So far, four new groups have inherited old names: Venemuh, Ngye Mekong, Chenjem and Kwebeleh.

The kensheng day opens with the performance of two rites known as “shu kefhu” [cleansing the mystical object] and “cheuh jih” [initiation into the gun society]. Before dawn, when people are still sound asleep, members of the “Ngieh Niboh” society carry the flag [titiwain] of the fondom and the mystical sacred object [kefhu] from the palace to the stream at Weyfeses where they perform these two rites. The act of “shu kefhu” involves cleansing the mystical object in the stream. It is from this object that clairvoyant members of the society can tell whether the fondom is progressing or retrogressing and whether the dance and the kensheng will be hitch-free. If the object indicates that things are good, then the kensheng is carried out with much jubilation. Another activity that takes place at the stream is the gun initiation [“cheuh jih”.] Men who wish to undergo the ritual are initiated. “Cheuh jih” is a formal recognition that a Kedjom man is fit to handle firearms safely.

After the rituals, the group comes out of the stream and stays around for a while as gun firing goes on and the people of the quarter bring refreshments. On their way back to the palace, they make brief stops at Chufam Tiaku at Fedieng and Kelang above Tita Mbohyang’s compound in the Tuoloh quarter. At each stop, the group raises the flag, fires guns, and are entertained by the people of the quarter. As the group gets closer to the palace, the Fon walks up to the Tuoloh quarter where he receives it at the junction near Ba Duh’s compound. He then leads it back to the palace and kickstarts the kensheng as the flag or the “titiwain” in Ga’a Kedjom is proudly carried round the palace field and then planted at a special spot. Members of the Ngye Niboh salute the kefhu with their guns while nonmembers salute the Fon.

The kensheng goes into full swing in the afternoon when various manjong groups take turns displaying and firing guns. Animated by the “laketa” music and cheered on by the women, the men are spurred to the height of excitement and try to outdo one another in displaying their maneuvering skills and gun firing. 

Spotting Marriage Partners

The assemblage of people from all over the fondom at the palace for the dance provides a good opportunity for young men, women, and their families to spot potential maidens and bachelors for marriage.  Private inquiries are made, and useful information gathered about eligible young bachelors and maidens for subsequent follow up. The kensheng gives both the young men and women a good opportunity to closely observe each other in action. As the men dart out in pairs or in small groups from the crowd of men, and shovel forwards and backwards, making fast intricate maneuvers and displaying their skills dexterously in gun firing, their female admirers surge forward from the bevy of women and dance forwards and backwards waving handkerchiefs, head ties, wrappers, etc. cheering the men ferociously. This enables both the young bachelors and maidens to cast inquiring and longing looks at one another.                                                                                                                                          

Separate Conduct of Keben-ke-Ndong

Since the split, the two villages mark the festival separately. However, Kedjom Ketinguh did not observe it for a period of more than 31 years since 1981 when HRH Fon Nshiteh “disappeared” (as Kedjom people traditionally describe the death of their Fon). The break was caused by the long delay in conducting the memorial celebration of the late Fon as the fondom waited for his son, HRH Nelson Viyuoh, the crown prince, to come of age and to lead the fondom in doing the celebration. The prince was still a lad when his father passed away and in keeping with Kedjom custom, he had to come of age before the memorial celebration could be done. Also, by tradition, the festival could not be conducted while the Fon’s death celebration was pending. Although the Kedjom Ketinguh people clamored from year to year for the resumption of the festival, they exercised greater patience and restraint over in the situation than their forefathers did under similar circumstances. It should be recalled that the Kedjom people split into the current two villages because of an irreconcilable dispute over the issue of whether to suspend the keben-ke-ndong and to perform the funeral and burial rites for Prince Tihseh who died on the eve of the dance.

The celebration was finally done in 2011 and to the great joy of the people, the dance was performed as part of the activities that marked the memorial celebration. This was supposed to clear the way for the resumption of the regular yearly performances but an attempt to resume it in 2012 failed because gun powder accidentally exploded at the dance venue and hurt some people. Consequently, it was immediately suspended again. The cause of the accident was attributed in part to the nonperformance or improper performance of some mystical customary rites that cannot be disclosed here. 

The Future of Keben-ke-Ndong in Kedjom Ketinguh

The keben-ke-ndong festival seems to be moving gradually to its demise in Kedjom Ketinguh if serious steps are not taken immediately to revive, reinforce and safeguard its future. The version performed in 2011 during the memorial celebration was known as “keben-ke-ndong ke phu” which meant that it was done strictly for the purpose of the memorial celebration and consequently, it lacked the usual jubilation that normally accompanies it. Nevertheless, it cleared the way for the resumption of the regular annual performances but the attempt to resume it in 2012 failed because gun powder accidentally exploded at the dance field and hurt some people. This caused it to be suspended again until the impromptu experimental version in 2017 that was done with apparently little or no advance notice or publicity. Although this performance provided a ray of hope, the future of the festival in that fondom still hangs in a balance.

Without a doubt, its revival is imperative and a challenge not only to the authorities of the fondom but also to all Kedjom Ketinguh sons and daughters both at home and in the diaspora. Its power to pull people together has been clearly demonstrated in the past and it can continue to do the same now to expedite development.

Conclusion

The Keben-ke-ndong festival is clearly a major facet of Kedjom culture that is instrumental in holding the people together. It is a time when important rites including those of communing with the ancestors [kwen tefem] and reinforcing the security of the fondom [bvaah tefam] are performed. It is also a time when the people collectively thank their gods [moh venyingong] for the activities of the year, especially the successful harvest of crops. Important matrimonial transactions such as “loyn wuwi” and “chu chi” take place. And to crown it all, the people take time off their busy schedules to relax, renew acquaintances, celebrate and dance together at the palace, thus rekindling community spirit and the unity of the people.

It is reassuring that Kedjom Ketinguh is fully aware of the importance of the festival and is in the process of trying to revive it. It will not only reinforce the unity of the people but also be used in new ways to promote Kedjom culture and foster the development of the fondom. It is my plea that all Tinguh sons and daughters, at home and in the diaspora, should demonstrate keen interest in the festival to ensure that we use it to propel our fondom into the future.

Recommendations

Given the obvious fact that the future of the festival depends on the youth carrying it on, it is imperative that their involvement, especially the dance part, should be given special consideration in its revival now. This will encourage and ensure that the young generations imbibe this aspect of our culture as they prepare to be its custodians

Henceforth, in planning the festival, especially the dance part of it, several things should be taken into consideration, including the following:

1. Scheduling 

The dance part of the festival should be scheduled to enable as many people as possible to participate in it. As such, it should, if possible, take place during a weekend. This will enable the people who live outside the fondom, including workers, school children, students, etc., to witness the most exciting part of the event without worrying about missing work or classes.

•  Fixed Predictable Period:[PA3] 

If possible, it would be advisable to fix a permanent month for the festival, either January or February. March may be taken into consideration but the event may be interrupted by rain that sometimes starts falling by that time. A fixed month for the festival, especially the dance part, will enable individuals, including Kedjom diaspora, to plan their vacations to coincide with the period so that they can travel home to participate in it.

3.Tourist Attractions

Attracting tourists to keben-ke-ndong would be an excellent way to promote our fondom and culture. I recall seeing white people in the late 1950s who came on horses to watch the dance. These days, tourism has become a big and thriving industry developing around these types of festivals in the Grass fields or Northwest Region during the dry season. They attract curious people not only from the international community residing in the country, including the diplomatic corps, but also visitors from abroad. Some of the villages now extend special invitations to the diplomatic corps and employees of international organizations operating in the country. We should do same.

To make the event even more attractive, especially to tourists, the arts and crafts of the fondom should be put on display in various ways. For example, the facing board of the ketooh could feature objects of our traditional images in carvings or paintings. This will blend our culture with the modern architecture of the ketooh. The road between chufesam [square] and the palace field could be adorned with some captivating paintings depicting our cultural artifacts and some natural features such as the three huge rocks that constitute the landmarks of the fondom. I suggest that the authorities should consider building grandstands at the upper and lower ends of the palace field as well as a multi-purpose building on the other side of the field across from the ketooh. The building could house a museum section, a shop for artifacts, meeting rooms, offices, etc.

4.Publicity and Promotion

 The dance part of the festival should be given maximum publicity and promotion. The mass media should be fully engaged in campaigns that should depict key facets of the culture and the attractive features of the fondom. The three huge rocks from which the name of the fondom was derived, the beautiful topographical layout of the fondom rising from the Ndop plain through four natural terrace landings at Fetang and Ntehloh, Tuoloh and Mbuaten, Fedieng and Kechikentuh, and Kwighe from where the last ascent ends at the peaks at Mendongmbo, and Chuku hill.

Other attractive features include the rocks at Kekong and at the top of Sabga hill; the caves at Buh [feu boogheu], the two at Mbuaten [feu fehfenyin and feu fonmefu] and feu nkwi. Other features include the waterfalls at Buh, Weyfeses, Mbuaten [feung fonmefu] and the one at Kenkung. The lakes are also features of interest: the dry and wet, as well as the crater one.

Advantage should be taken of the high plateau location of the fondom with its panoramic view of the area around it. From the tops of the hills on the plateau it is possible to see deep into the Ndop plane displaying the villages of Bamali, Bamessing and Bamunka, and the glittering waters of the Bamendjing dam near Bambalang. The Jakiri hills are also visible from these hills. From the hill tops at Ketih, the villages of Balikumbat, Bamoun and Awing come into view while from the hills stretching from the market near the ring road to the crater lake, the villages of Bambili, Bambui, Nkwen, Bafut and the Bamenda metropolitan area are visible.

• Sources of Revenue

The fondom can realize some revenue from sales of arts and crafts during the dance part of the festival. For this purpose, the Council can encourage the arts and crafts people of the fondom to display some of their works for show and sale at the palace square (chufesam) during the dance. If ever the suggested multipurpose building is put up, it should serve as a venue for these activities.

Sources Consulted

1. Livescience.com. Retrieved from www.livescience.com/4180-sahara desert-lush-populated.html and http://www.messagetoeagle.com/changed-green-sahara-desert/
2. Mutan, Gabriel P. 2001. The History of Six Hundred & Fifteen Years of Kijom Dynasty. Ghana Street, Bamenda. Metropolitan Computer Services.
3. Nfah. B.V. 1984.  “Kedjom Ketinguh History”. Unpublished Paper.
4. Unidentified writer. 2011. “Historical Settings; Traditions or Myths of Origins and Settlement”. KESU Buea. Gi-MU – One Voice, Vol 1, Issue 001, pp. 11-14.
5. Viwun, Basam and Joe Magha, 2022. Oral Conversation